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A Brief Biographical Sketch of Asahel Nettleton
By Dr. Tom Nettles
Taken from the book
Asahel Nettleton: "Sermons From
the Second Great Awakening"
© 1995 by International Outreach, Inc.
NETTLETON'S LIFE
On April 21, 1783, Asahel Nettleton was
born into the home of a Connecticut farmer, the second child and eldest son of six
children. In his youth, he was catechized in the Westminster Shorter Catechism, giving him
a mental apprehension of truths which, when God brought the truths home to his heart,
greatly increased his effectiveness as an evangelist. In the year 1800, Nettleton became
convicted that his life was dangerously frivolous; as a result, he sought to change both
himself and his friends. An increasing sense of the wickedness of his heart brought about
a corresponding attempt to prove the Bible wrong. He disliked the God he found there, for
he knew that such a Holy Being must of necessity condemn him. He wished for God's
non-existence.
After Nettleton struggled in spiritual distress for ten months, God's Spirit changed his
heart and brought him to embrace the Savior. He did not at first recognize his change as
conversion but now found delight in objects which before had "given him so much
distress." His views and feelings were the same as those "whom he regarded as
the friends of Christ." Now, instead of hoping for God's non-existence, the
attributes of the Tri-une Deity appeared lovely and "the Saviour was exceedingly
precious." Now, instead of feelings of bitter opposition, he contemplated the
doctrines of grace, with delight, and "had now no doubt of their truth." This
astounding change, he knew, was "not the result of any effort of his own, but of the
sovereign and distinguishing will of God."1
In 1805, in spite of pressing hardships, Nettleton entered Yale College, then under the
presidency of Timothy Dwight. During his years there he justly gained the respect of his
classmates as having unmixed sincerity in his devotion to Christ and earnestness in his
desire for the salvation of his friends. Beyond the necessary study of the liberal arts
curriculum, he gave his time to theological study and the development of a capacity for
spiritual discernment. During a revival in 1807 at Yale, Nettleton was effective as a
spiritual counselor. His career at Yale prompted the judgment from Timothy Dwight,
"He will make one of the most useful men this country has ever seen."2
Nettleton, along with Samuel Mills, envisioned a life of service among those who had never
heard the gospel on the mission field. Three factors converged to preclude that
possibility for Nettleton. One, a debt incurred while in school needed to be paid and he
felt he must stay until that was done. Meanwhile, his preaching in destitute areas of
Connecticut was so effective that leaders of the Congregational church urged upon him the
duty to stay. Third, his contraction of typhus in 1822 eliminated all remaining hopes he
had of work on the mission field.
In 1812, at the invitation of the pastors of churches, Nettleton began itinerating.
Nettleton had seen the effects, and in fact had interviewed some eyewitnesses, of the
inordinate affectations of James Davenport in the Great Awakening. He entered into this
ministry with several convictions. One, he must do nothing to win affection from or
destroy the influence of the settled pastorate. No lasting good could be done without the
support and long-term influence of faithful pastors. Two, he would not seek to stir up
interest where it was clear the Spirit of God had not preceded him. If he in fact detected
a spirit of "enthusiasm" he would work to root it out. He had no fear at all
that in his opposition to this type of misguided zeal he was "quenching the
spirit." Three, he would not stay where there appeared to be any reliance on him. He
felt he could be of no use if a church's anticipation fostered hope and excitement because
of confidence in the human instrument, rather than remorse for sin and desire for the
favor of God. Four, he believed that those converted during seasons of revival had a
fervour for God purer and more sustained than those who made professions in times without
general revival. Nettleton made the following observation in 1829.
During the leisure occasioned by my late illness, I have been looking over the regions
where God has revived his work for the two years past. The thousands who have professed
Christ in this time, in general appear to run well. Hitherto, I think they have exhibited
more of the Christian temper, and a better example, than the same number who have
professed religion when there was no revival.... When I look back on revivals which took
place ten or fifteen years ago, I have been agreeably surprised to find so many of the
subjects of them continuing to adorn their profession. Take the whole number who professed
religion as the fruit of these revivals, and take the same number who professed religion
when there was no general revival, and I do think that the former have outshined the
latter. I have not made a particular estimate, but from what I have seen, I do believe
that the number of excommunications from the latter is more than double in proportion to
the former.3
For eleven years Nettleton immersed himself virtually without respite into the cause of
revivals. This involved preaching three times on Sabbaths, usually twice, maybe thrice,
during the week, and numbers of personal interviews and visits to homes where small but
spiritually interested groups would be gathered. This schedule came to a halt in October,
1822, when after visiting a sick person he contracted typhus fever. For more than two
years he was unable to engage in any revival activity, but took advantage of the time to
compile his Village Hymns for Social Worship. After that time he could engage in far less
strenuous activity, was more selective in engagements, and took longer periods of rest
between revival efforts. Though the impression of his person was less powerful than
before, accounts of his visits to churches still abound with testimonies of the effectual
working of the Spirit of God. He traveled not only in New England during these years but
also into the South as far as Virginia and South Carolina.
He went to the United Kingdom in 1831, ostensibly to rest, but preached frequently. In
addition, he regularly had opportunity, as well as necessity, to distinguish between
revivals in America and the more recent impact of the New Measures excitements. One report
of the revivals in America concentrated on methods, events, and results characteristic of
the New Measures fervor. Nettleton responded, "I am exhausted in my attempts to
vindicate our revivals. I can only tell the good ministers here, that I do not, and never
did, approve of the practice mentioned in the above letter."4
That practice Nettleton had opposed with increasing conviction since 1826. At that time he
was drawn into a controversy with Charles Finney. The controversy was never really about
methods although that issue first prompted the initial meetings between Nettleton and
Finney. Though Finney declared "He could have led me almost or quite at his
discretion," there is no evidence in any of Finney's relationships with older, more
experienced and wiser people that he had any penchant for being led.5
The conflict climaxed at New Lebanon, New York, in July 1827. Nettleton had written
publicly opposing the methods employed in Finney's meetings.6 Finney responded with a sermon, "How can two walk
together except they be agreed?" The conference was arranged by Nathan Beman, a
Finney supporter, and Lyman Beecher.7 There amidst wrangling, charges and counter
charges, and some histrionic posturing on the part of Lyman Beecher, Nettleton felt
strongly the futility of such discussion. Near the close of the meeting, Nettleton read a
letter outlining the disturbing practices and the conference approved resolutions
rejecting the use of such practices. Finney and his followers, while clearly advocating
some of the measures which give rise to these complaints, denied that these measures
consisted of such abuses as outlined in the letter.8 Perhaps, Finney proposed, a resolution against
lukewarmness should also be adopted.
Several factors conspired against any satisfactory resolution to this conflict, especially
in the dynamics of the New Lebanon Conference. One, the issue continued to be reduced to
one of methods and the underlying theological distinctions garnered only brief attention.
The orthodox participants, in fact, seemed unaware at this time that distinction in
methods arose from radically different theological assumptions. Only in the next few years
was the reason for this impasse in the discussion understood more fully. Two, one of
Nettleton's chief protagonists, Lyman Beecher, agreed with Finney's anthropology and would
soon be visibly aligned with the theological shift voiced in 1828 by Nathan W. Taylor.9 Three, others who
complained against Finney's methods were actually susceptible to many of Finney's
theological caveats concerning human responsibility. They were followers of the
"consistent Calvinists" Samuel Hopkins and Nathanael Emmons.10 Four, Finney and his
co-adjutants went to the conference fully convinced that the charges against them were
false, or, where correct, merely reflected a theological or methodological insight
superior to those of their accusers. Finney claimed that after the conference opposition
to his revival efforts decreased.11 He said that the opposition of Beecher and
Nettleton was "impertinent & assuming, uncalled for & injurious to
themselves, & the cause of God." And besides that, in spite of their efforts
Finney could say, "their opposition never made me ashamed, never convinced me that I
was wrong in doctrine or practice, & I never made the slightest change in conducting
revivals as a consequence of their opposition. I thought I was right."12
In 1832, after his return from England, Nettleton joined efforts to conserve the orthodox
theology of the past from the destructive force of Taylorism and the dispiriting effects
of Finneyism. A vital part of this effort consisted of the founding of the Theological
Institute of Connecticut. Nettleton, refusing an invitation to become a regular faculty
member, was retained as an occasional instructor. He spent his last years lecturing on
evangelism, counselling students, writing letters to friends making observations on the
condition of religion in New England and America, and preaching as strength allowed. In
May 1844, he died after a lengthy season of suffering and in a great deal of pain. His
comforts in Christ, however, outstripped the rigors his calamitous sickness and to the end
he continued to affirm that it was "sweet to trust in the Lord."13
1 Bennet Tyler, Nettleton
and His Labours (Edinburgh: The Banner of Truth Trust, 1975) p. 29. This volume was first
published in 1844 and was published in Scotland in 1854 with an introduction and
occasional notes by Andrew Bonar and also, by him, "Remodelled in some parts."
The Banner of Truth edition is a reprint of the 1854 printing in Scotland. This will
normally be referred to as "Tyler," but special mention will be made of Bonar
when it is clear that the text is a part "Remodelled" by him or inserted on the
basis of his own knowledge.
2 lbid., p. 41
3 From a Letter of Nettleton quoted in "A brief sketch of an Argument
respecting the nature of Scriptural, and the importance and necessity of numerous, rapid,
frequent, and extensive Revivals of Religion, " in Biblical Repertory &
Theological Review, January, 1834, p. 124
4 Tyler, p. 289.
5 Charles Finney, The Memoirs of Charles G. Finney: The Complete Restored
Text ed. Garth M. Rosell and Richard A. G. Dupuis (Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing
House, 1989) p. 204. Hereinafter this will be referred to as Memoirs. One also should
consult John F. Thornbury, God Sent Revival (Welwyn, Herts, England, and Grand Rapids.
Evangelical Press, 1977) pp. 164 - 179.
6 This was eventually published in 1828 along with other letters in a
volume entitled Letters of the Rev. Dr. Beecher and Rev. Mr Nettleton on The New Measures
in Conducting Revivals of Religion. New York, 1828.
7 Beecher's Autobiography records that Beecher said, "Finney, I know
your plan, and you know that I do; you mean to come into Connecticut and carry a streak of
fire to Boston. But if you attempt it, as the Lord liveth, I'll meet you at the State
line, and call out all the artillery men, and fight every inch of the way to Boston, and
then I'll fight you there." Beecher eventually signed a truce with the party of
Finney and invited him to preach at his Boston church in August, 1831.
8 Finney, Memoirs, p. 222. Finney's version of the conference and all its
connections is recorded on pp. 216 - 231 as well as valuable footnotes by the volume's
editors. These footnotes contain references to related source material. Finney continued
to defend the profitableness of his measures with an unusual sense of their virtual
divinity. "I have always & everywhere used all the measures I used in these
revivals, & have often added other measures such as the anxious seat whenever I have
deemed it expedient. I have never seen the necessity of reformation in this respect. Were
I to live my life over again, I think that with the experience of more than forty years in
revival labors I should under the same circumstance use substantially the same measures
that I did then. And let me not be understood to take credit to myself No indeed. It was
no wisdom of my own that directed me. I was made to feel my ignorance & dependence
& led to look to God continually for His guidance. I had no doubt then nor have I ever
had that God led me by his Spirit to take the course I did. So clearly did he lead me from
day to day that I never did nor could doubt that I was Divinely directed" (p. 227).
9 In his famous address Concio ad Clerum, Taylor rejected the Westminster
Confession's doctrine of original sin. Sinfulness is not innate; neither guilt nor
necessary predisposition toward sin are innately connected with the human heart, according
to Taylor. Sin always is a deliberate moral choice as has no pre-existence to the choice.
One always has the power of contrary choice. This theology blended perfectly with the
revival techniques of Finney. Nettleton and Taylor were close friends all of their lives,
but Nettleton ardently opposed Taylor's "New Haven Theology."
10 Again, Finney's representation of their ideas was extravagant, but
their alterations in Edwards's theology diminished the direct connection between original
sin and the sinner's sinning, and made it appear that each individual's sin arose from the
decree and over-ruling providence of God.
11 lnterpretations of the New Lebanon conference from distinctly
different perspectives may be seen in Keith J. Hardman, Charles Grandison Finney 1792 -
1875 (Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1990) pp. 133-149; and, lain Murray, Revival and
Revivalism (Edinburgh: The Banner of Truth Trust, 1994) pp. 225 - 252. That the
theological tendencies of Finney were not clear at this time probably contributed to the
focus of the discussion on method more than doctrine and also explains some of the support
he received from settled pastors who believed the Westminster Confession. Hardman's
discussion of Beecher's zeal for the "social order" explains both his initial
opposition and eventual friendship (148, 149).
12 Finney, Memoirs, pp. 239, 240.
13 For an account of his sickness see Thornbury's God Sent Revival, pp.
220 - 225. Thornbury's book gives a sensitive and engaging portrayal of Nettleton's entire
life.
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